Saturday, January 9, 2016

WORLD WAR III.

The attacks on Paris in 2015 by the so-called Islamic State may not mark the beginning of a 'piecemeal World War III', as Pope Fracis called it, but there are parallels to previous global conflicts. For one, we are seeing several nations, including some fierce rivals, come together to defeat a totalitarian organisation. If the United States, Russia, France and other NATO powers can effectively mobilise their military power and secure the active participation of Arab countries, Islamic State (commonly known as Daesh) can be destroyed, but not the transnational menace it poses. Eliminating the perverted ideology that has attracted many disaffected  youth worldwide will be a much harder, long-term challenge. The double shock of 129 innocent, mostly young people dead in Paris and 224 passengers in a Russian Jet blown out o the sky has jolted countries into action. France's hitherto soft-spoken President Francois Hollande pledged 'merciless' response to the terrorists and immediately intensified bombing in Syria. President Vladimir Putin vowed that, "we will find them anywhere on the planet and punish them". The G-20 meeting in Turkey allowed President Barrack Obama and Putin, who have not been on the best of terms since Russia's invasion of Croatia and Ukraine, to meet and coordinate action against Daesh. Moscow's surprise intervention in Syria in support of Basheer-al-Assad angered the White House, but now Obama has asked Putin to direct his bombers against Daesh targets. Mobilising air power against Daesh infrastructure, especially oil fields and oil fields and oil tankers could substantially reduce its revenue and thus ability to buy weapons and pay its fighters' salary. Aerial bombing alone, though, would not destroy Daesh: Ground troops would be needed to clear and hold territory pending a political solution. Despite this fact, no Western country would even consider sending combat troops into Iraq or Syria. The harsh lessons of US and NATO intervention in Iraq and Afghanistan, respectively, are too fresh in the public memory. This leaves only Kurdish forces in Syria and Iraq who have shown great determination and courage in fighting Daesh, and Iranian proxies like Hezbollah and Shiite Iraqi militias.
However, relying on these irregular and largely unaccountable forces would require some fundamental revisions in the foreign policy approaches of regional powers. To cite just one example, Turkey, whose participation is critical (it shares a 500-mile border with Syria) is opposed to helping Kurdish forces whose affiliates have been fighitng Ankara for autonomy. Similarly, the deep animosity between Iran and Saudi Arabia makes it hard to imagine any Gulf Arab support for an Iranian role in fighting Deash. In a speech, Secretary of State John Kerry praised growing international cooperation against Daesh, but noted the deeper ideological problem. Hinting at the age-old Shia-Sunni conflict, he said, "There are forces at play that have been at play long before the United States of America became a country". Even if joint pressure by Russia and the US secured Saudi Arabia's acquiesence in an Iran backed Shiite militia's role in fighting Daesh, that would not be the end of the problem. The group's so-called headquarters in Raqqa may be in ruins, but terrorist affiliates have declared that ungoverned territory in Egypt, Libya, Afghanistan and Nigeria comprise 'willayat', or provinces, of Daesh's proclaimed caliphate.
The geographic spread aside, the assaults on Paris show that Daesh has metastasied into a new type of multinational terror group. For the first time, European suicide bombers have blown themselves up signalling a radical change in the type of indoctrination they have undergone. Their act of self-sacrifice for an apocalyptic cause raises serious new concerns that cannot be addressed by bombing buildings in Syria. The thrill of violence, the seduction of sex and the promise of a meaningful life as a jihadi have drawn tens of thousands of young Muslims to Daesh. Other recruits have less worldly objectives in mind: French researchers who have interviewed terrorists say some long to take immediately satisfying radical steps to obtain meaning through self-sacrifice. They believe in the self-anointed Caliph al-Baghdadi's call to create "a new-old world of universal justice and peace under the Prophet's banner".
And it is precisely here that the parallels with previous World Wars fall short. Multinational military strikes and ground troops mobilising against Daesh can destroy weapons depots and revenue-generating oil infrastructure. But they stand little chance of discouraging thousands of young Muslims eager to die for an incomprehensible millenarian cause.
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C.S. Chakravarthy
H. No. 12-13-365, St. No. 9,
Lane. No. 1, Flat. No. 203,
Satya Classic Apartments,
Tarnaka, Secunderabad- 500 017
Telangana State, India.
e-mail id: chakkuresearchscholar13@gmail.com
Cell: 09985732397.
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Sunday, November 29, 2015

COLD COMFORT.

What is it about a crisp, cold morning that makes you want to stay huddled under the covers? What is it about a chilly afternoon that makes you want to rustle up some ultra-comforting fried food and something hot to drink? What is it about a wintry night that makes you want to reach out for buttery goodness and sweet temptation? 
Well, whatever it is, that moment - or two or three - on the lips can forever lodge itself on the hips, especially during these winter months.
There are theories abound as to why weight gain seems to be such a foregone conclusion during winters. According to one school of thought, winter doesn't increase hunger, reduces it reduces thirst. You don't drink the same amount of water as summer months, which leaves you dehydrated. That impacts your weight. Because hunger and thirst centres in the brain are set very close together, and sometimes, you may wind up eating because you feel thirsty, leading to a lot more overeating. Add to this lack of physical activity, comfort eating, and overeating during the holiday season, and suddenly you have got yourself a new problem. Or problems. As we already know, weight gain is not just about the aesthetics of it but adds increasing pressure on your heart and interferes with other health parameters. And in many cases, the kilos creep up, year after year without you realising it.
While your body has to work harder to maintain a normal body temperature, you can eat more. But if winter sees you stay put under the covers and reach out for something fatty, try these...
More physical activity: The cooler months is when physical activity tends to dwindle a little. Morning workouts tend to be eschewed in favour of lying in - there's always tomorrow, right? Wrong. Keep up with your workouts and burn your calories. You are never too cool for (old) school.
Avoid Comfort Eating: Magically, during winters, chocolates, pies, samosas, pakoras seem to be an extension of your arm. Dis'arm'. Put down that bit of food and disengage yourself from bingeing just because you are in the category of food. Try and ensure that your days are long and keep you occupied so that you stay away from comfort foods. It's very easy, when you are at home surrounded by a mountain of chocolate, to be buried under it.
Holiday overindulgence: The winter months are also party months, where festivals coincide, weddings happen and relatives and friends come down from all over the world. Suddenly, you are out almost every night. Keep a watch on the journey from the plate to the mouth. Eat before you go out and avoid too many cocktails. Stick to a glass of white wine spritzer for as long as possible.
While this all sounds very dreary, don't forget to have fun this winter and find inventive ways of having your cake and (not) eating it too. Happy holidays.
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Tuesday, November 17, 2015

ROBIN SHARMA'S MOKSHA MANTRA.

His super skills to communicate have made Robin Sharma one of the world's most successful premier thinkers on leadership in business and in life. His gyaan is like Bible for executives around the globe. He has authored many books, including the international best seller, The Monk Who Sold His Ferrari; its best seelling sequel, Leadership; Family: Who Will Cry When You Die? And many others. In an interview, he tells what makes the world sit up and listen to him...
--What prompted you to choose such an unconventional profession and preach the happiness mantra?
----I used to be a lawyer, very successful and very unhappy. Like Julian Mantle in The Monk Who Sold His Ferrari, I decided to go out on a search and seek how a human being can find true happiness and real success. I found what I was looking for in books and in the wise people I encountered. Within a few months of applying what I learnt, my entire life changed. I then thought that if an ordinary man like me could use these ideas with such profound results, others could too. And so I wrote and self-published, The Monk Who Sold His Ferrari. Thee book took off and I have never looked back.
--What have been your most enlightening moments?
----I have had many enlightening moments because my life is one big adventure. I have been on top of the mountain many times and in the valleys from time to time. But I learn from each experience. My philosophy of life is simple: "The person who experiences the most wins". Here are a few of my defining moments:
(a). The birth of my two children (my favourite people in the world). 
(b). My divorce (pain can be excellent professor).
(c). The day, early in my career, that a well-known CEO told me my book The Monk Who Sold His Ferrari was the best business book ever read and encouraged me to start doing more work with companies.
(d). The day my friend's father died. I realised that without great health, even the richest of people are poor.
(e). The day I shared a speaking platform before 10,000 people with Bill Clinton. It was a great win for a simple man like me who grew up in a small town of 2,000 people, without a silver spoon in his mouth.
--What values can one imbibe from the Eastern and Western spiritual traditions?
----From the East, we can all learn what's most important in life - things like discovering our best selves. From the West, we can learn the value of chasing our dreams, thinking big and taking wise risks.
--What advice would you like to give to the stressed out city dwellers?
----I don't like to give advice - that makes me sound like a guru - when I am not. But I do have some suggestions:
(a). Take a sixty minute 'holy hour' for yourself everyday. This is a time, each day, to think deeply about your life and how to improve it, to read, to meditate or watch the sun come up, or to write in a journal. Leadership in your outer life begins from within yourself. You cannot do great things until you first feel great about yourself.
(b). Put your health first. Most people don't care for their health until they lose it. That makes no sense to me. You don't want to be the richest person in the graveyard.
(c). Try and find some time each day for what I call the "3 Ss": Silence, Stillness and Solitude. They really work beautifully to renew you.
--How do manage your stress?
----I manage my stress by exercising daily. It's amazing how a 30-minute run restores a sense of perspective over any problems, and fills me with joy. I also get a massage every week to keep me relaxed. My two children are incredibly funny human beings who help me beat stress, and teach me not to take life too seriously.
--Is there a state of complete happiness and peace? How can one achieve it? Are you in one?
----Yes, I do believe that one can be completely happy. Perhaps only a few great sages have ever reached that lofty stage. I am basically a happy human being. However, I cannot be happy all the time. I have good days and not so good days.
C.S. Chakravarthy
H. No. 12-13-302, St. No. 9,
Lane. No. 1, Flat. No. 203, 
Satya Classic Apartments,
Tarnaka, Secunderabad- 500 017,
Telangana State, India.
E-mail: chakkuresearchscholar13@gmail.com
Cell: 09985732397.
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Monday, November 16, 2015

VIMAL SINGH'S FUTURE POLITICAL PREDICTIONS PUBLISHED ON 06TH AUGUST, 2014.


  1. Narendra Modi will be the Prime Minister of India of India for next ten years.
  2. Hillary Clinton will be the President of United States of America.
  3. India and Pakistan will have one common currency like the Euro in Europe.
  4. India and Pakistan will join hands and the importance of ISI will diminish.
  5. There will not be a World War III as predicted by Nostradamus.
  6. Congress Party will revive and relive, but Priyanka Gandhi will be forced to join the same.
  7. Uttar Pradesh and Bihar will witness the rise and regaining of power by the national parties, leading to the decline of the regional parties. India will once again see the rise of the two-three party system.
Compiled by
C.S. Chakravarthy
H. No. 12-13-302, St. No. 9,
Lane. No. 1, Flat. No. 203,
Satya Classic Apartments,
Tarnaka, Secunderabad- 500 017,
Telangana State, India.
E-mail: chakkuresearchscholar13@gmail.com
Cell: 09985732397.
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Sunday, November 15, 2015

FOR A TRUER DECENTRALISATION.

Much has been written on decentralisation in India though, on the ground, there is very little to show despite the seventy-third and seventy-fourth constitutional amendments. The rationale for decentralisation comes from the need to strengthen participatory democracy, facilitate responsive governance, ensure greater accountability and capable public service delivery according to diversified preferences of the people. The possibility of greater visibility and linkage between revenue-expenditure decisions is supposed to ensure greater responsiveness and accountability. There are some who advocate decentralisation as an end in itself while others take this as a means to strengthen the democratic fabric through participatory governance and responsive and accountable public service delivery.
the history of decentralisation in India is somewhat chequered. Although the village panchayats as institutions of governance and justice existed for a long time, the founding fathers of the Constitution were not keen to empower them. Dr. Ambedkar was apprehensive that in the hierarchical society with highly skewed nature of asset and power distribution, vesting more powers at the village level would only perpetuate exploitation of the dispossessed. Not surprisingly, the Constitution placed local governance in the State List (Entry 5).
Towards self-governance: Rajiv Gandhi wanted to energise the local bodies in rural and urban areas to make them the institutions of self-government by effecting seventy-third and seventy-fourth Constitutional amendments. Part IX was inserted into the Constitution with Article 243 (A to O) specifying matters such as the constitution, elections and the functions to be devolved for panchayats and for urban local bodies under Article 243 (P to Z). Article 243 I and Y mandated the appointment of the State Finance Commission by the Governor every five years to balance their functions with funds. Article 280 was seeded with an additional term of reference (TOR) to the Union Finance Commission to take cognisance of the resource requirements of local bodies. However, the role envisaged in this seeding is only tangential or supplemental.
There are five important issues for understanding the legal framework for the decentralisation process in the country. First, the Constitution assigns decentralisation including funding entirely to the discretion of state governments. While this may be to evolve the system of decentralisation appropriate to a state considering the strength of its history, economy and capacity, it also hinders the process. It is entirely left to the states to decide, what and how much powers and functions should be devolved to the local bodies.
Secondly, the constitutional framework does not (and perhaps should not) prescribe any pattern, standard or model of decentralisation which again is left to the discretion of state governments. Third, there are no easy mechanisms to ensure compliance of even the prescribed provisions of the Constitution by the states. Most states have not complied with the requirement of having to appoint gram sabhas (243A), ward committees, district planning committees and metropolitan planning committees. There have been several attempts to postpone elections though they are required to hold them well before the expiry of the prevailing elected body or before six months if the body is dissolved for some reason, as required under 243K and U. The states are required to appoint a Finance Commissions every five years and their reports are required to be placed in the legislatures with the action taken reports.
Unfortunately the states' record shows complete violations of Article 243 I and Y. Fourth, on the financial side, local bodies do not have any independent revenues. There is no separate list of tax bases assigned to them in the Constitution and they have to depend on the state governments to levy the taxes. There is also the problem of administrative capacity and interest groups resisting payment of taxes and user charges.
Does the framework allow the Union Finance Commission to act as a champion of decentralisation? While one would like to think that an organic link is provided to it by seeding an additional term of reference in Article 280, a careful reading of the Article shows that the role is confined to "...recommend measures to augment the Consolidated funds of the states to supplement the finances..." of local bodies on the basis of the recommendation of the State Finance Commissions" (emphasis added). 
In this context, the criticism that the Fourteenth Finance Commission (FFC) did not continue the deceentralisation reform initiated by the Thirteenth Finance Commission (TFC) needs explanation. Specifically, while the TFC initiated a package of conditionalities for availing the performance grants which was not continued by the FFC. The important features of the TFC recommendations included linking the grants to local governments to previous year's divisible pool of taxes and linking a significant proportion of the grants for performance.
Changed conditions: In contrast, the FFC while recommending a much higher level of transfers, did not see Constitutional validity in linking the transfers to the divisible pool. It continued the performance grants, but linked them directly to the actions by the panchayats and municipalities rather than the state governments. Thus, the FFC in its report explained that it did not carry on the scheme of rewards and punishment because truthful adherence to the Constitutional framework did not permit it to do so. It is another issue that only a fraction of the performance grants recommended by the TFC were actually utilised and the union government was the beneficiary in the process!
That of course, begs the question as to who will champion decentralisation. First, it is important to have clarity in the assignment of functions and the local governments should have clear and independent sources of finance. Second, there should be clear mechanisms to ensure that states comply with the constitutional provisions, particularly in the appointment and implementation in the recommendations of the SFCs. Third, sustainable decentralisation comes from the demands of the people and advocacy should focus on a decentralisation agenda.
Indeed, the framework needs to be evolved to accomodate the demand for decentralisation. Even within the existing framework, it is important for intellectuals and the press to pressurise the states to comply with the constitutional provisions like creation of planning authorities and appointment of SFCs, if necessary through Public Interest Litigations. The SFCs have an important role to play which can be fulfilled only when state governments take them seriously.
C.S. Chakravarthy
H. No. 12-13-302, St. No. 9,
Lane. No. 1, Flat.No. 203,
Satya Classic Apartments,
Tarnaka, Secunderabad- 500 017,
Telangana State, India.
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Monday, January 23, 2012

WOMEN PROPERTY RIGHTS LIMITED: SUPREME COURT OF INDIA.

A Hindu woman who gets property from her husband through a will cannot have absolute right over it unlike property inherited by her through succession, the Supreme Court has ruled.
Though the Hindu Marriages Act provides absolute right to a woman over the property inherited through succession from her husband, she cannot have the same privilege if the property devolves on her through a 'will' with restricted clauses.
A bench of justices P. Sathasivam and H.L. Gokhale passed the ruling while upholding an appeal filed by a land owner Jagan Singh challenging the right of his widowed sister-in-law Dhanwanti to sell her plot which was gifted through a will by her husband Umrao Singh.
Umrao Singh had, in his will stated that his wife Dhanwanti will be the owner of his plot. However, she would not have any right to dispose off the property, he had added.
After the death of her husband, however, Dhanwanti attempted to sell the plot which was challenged by Jagan Singh.
Both the rial court and the Allahabad High Court rejected his plea on the ground that Dhanwanti enjoyed the protection of the Hindu Marriage Act under which she had absolute right to enjoy, dispose of gift the property to any person. Howvevr the apex court ruled that, "Section. 14 of the Hindu Succession Act, 1956, undoubtedly declares in sub-section (2) which provides that sub-section (1) will not apply to any property which is given away by way of a gift or under a will".
"In the present case, Umrao Singh had made a will, and under that he had created a restricted estate which was permissible under this section. 14 (2)". Justice. Gokhale said.
The Supreme Court said that a widow who succeeds to the property of her deceased husband on the strength of his will, cannot claim any right other than those conferred by the will.--January, 21st, 2012.
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C.S. Chakravarthy
H. No. 12-13-301, St. No. 9,
Lane. No. 1, Flat. No. 203,
Satya Classic, Tarnaka,
Secunderabad-500017
E-mail: chakku1968@gmail.com
Cell. No. 09985732397.
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Tuesday, October 18, 2011

ANTI-POVERTY PROGRAMMES IN INDIA.

The sixth five year plan launched a direct attack on poverty and unemployment.
NREP (National Rural Employment Programme).
In 1977 the FWP (Food for Work Programme) was launched to provide work opportunities for the rural poor. This was particularly required during the slack employment season. At the same time the purpose was to create durable productive assets in the form of roads, canals, minor irrigation projects, etc. The basic aim was to generate additional employment in rural areas and in the process of doing so, durable community assets were created which would strengthen the rural infrastructures.
The workers on this project were paid partially in cash and partially in food grains by utilising the surplus stock of foodgrains. In 1980 the food for work programme was re-shaped into National Rural Employment Programme. A large number of people in rural areas were without assets and those who have, had very few. This segment of rural poor depends primarily on wage employment. Such rural poor do not have any source of income especially during the lean agricultural period or during severe drought conditions. The NREP aims both at providing employment opportunities to rural workers particularly at the time when they are not able to find gainful employment as well as creation of durable community assets for strengthening the rural infrastructure, thereby leading to rapid growth of rural economy and rise in the level of rural poor. 
Features:   

  1. A district/block level employment plan which should be formulated taking into account the skilled and unskilled works, the number of people seeking work and the work opportunities available.
  2. Projects are prepared for each district/block.
  3. NREP gives priority to work relating to social, forestry and pasteur development, soil and water conservation, irrigation, drainage, sanitation and works relating to the improvement of village ecology and environment.
  4. 10% of the resources are ear marked for works, which are of direct and exclusive benefits to the SC and ST categories.
  5. 10% of the resources are ear marked for utilisation on social forestry.
  6. The execution of work under NREP has to be done through Panchayati Raj Institution while the implementation was entrusted to the District Rural Development agencies. The implementation of NREP was on 50-50 basis between the Centre and the State.
  7. Voluntary organisations of repute and standing could also be entrusted with execution of permissible work under NREP.
Drawbacks:

  1. The programme has apparently lacked in direct focus on the target group population.
  2. Some of the asset building works were also subject to criticism on the ground of lack of expertise and higher material cost.
  3. In some states 10%  of the outlay ear-marked for the works of direct benefit to Scheduled Caste (SC) and Scheduled Tribe (ST) was not fully utilised.
RLEGP (Rural Landless Employment Guarantee Programme):
The RLEGP launched in August, 1983 with a view to eradicate poverty, unemployment and under-employment among the rural landless workers. The programme aims mainly at:
  1. Improving and expanding employment opportunities for the rural landless and providing guarantee of employment to atleast one member of every landless labourer household upto 80 to 100 days a year.
  2. Creating durable assets for strengthening of the rural and economic infrastructure thereby boosting production.
  3. The highest priority was accorded to labour-intensive projects in backward areas drawn by the State Government and approved by the Central Government.
  4. Wages to be paid in the terms of foodgrains.
Difference between NREP and RLEGP:
While the NREP is for generation of additional employment for the unemployed and for employed persons, the RLEGP provides guaranteed employment to atleast one person of every landless labour household upto 100 days a year. It is entirely financed by the Central Government.
There have been various suggestions to merge RLEGP with NREP.
Integrated Rural Development Programme (IRDP):
Of all the anti-poverty programmes IRDP has attracted the maximum media, scientific and beneficiary attention. Majority believes that it has a great potential but at the same time it suffers from great limitations. The concept of IRDP includes various inter-related approaches, which are required for proper development. Till now different approaches have been piecemeal and pragmatic rather than being comprehensive.
Schemes like Community Development Programme, Small Farmer Development Agency, etc. have all been functioning without proper integration, with the view to removing these drawbacks and improving socio-economic life of the poorest living in the rural areas, IRDP was introduced. It was convened in 1975 stating that IRDP covers a wide range, that is, all subjects of rural economy and rural people in their entirety, for example: cultivators, landless labourers, etc. IRDP is a multi-sector, multi-section, and multi-level concept.

  1. As a multi-sector concept it encompasses rural development at various levels in special hierarchy such as clusters of village, block and district.
  2. As a multi-sector concept it promotes development in different sectors and sub-sectors of rural economy such as education, health, transportation.
  3. As a multi-section concept it attempts at socio-economic development of weaker sections of rural population like small and marginal farmers, landless labourers, SCs and STs. 
The concept of IRDP was outlived in 1976-77 and the programme was launched in 1978-79. Most of the earliest schemes such as SFDA, SDF are now merged into IRDP. In October, 1980, the Union Government took a major policy decision of expanding IRDP to entire country. It became part of a 20-point programme. The major object of IRDP is to improve the socio-economic conditions of the poorest section of the rural society. It aims at raising poorest family of the rural areas above the poverty line on long lasting basis by proviing them income generating assets, credit facilities and other inputs. The authority to sanction schemes was delegated to State Government while District Rural Development Agencies did the implementation. The IRDP beneficiaries were also assisted through the viable banking projects in order to enhance the viability of the project and different rates of subsidies were admissible on the total cost of the project. Further banks have been instructed to dispose off loan applications within a reasonable time and they are required to give a report to the Block Development Officers.
Drawbacks:
  1. The first flaw is the wrong identification of the beneficiaries (poorest of the poor). It has been found that wrong identification has occurred to the extent of "15 to 20% at All-India level" and "47 to 77% at regional level".
  2. The second deficiency apparent in the programme was the vagueness in determining the poverty line. Despite inflation and flowing depreciation IRDP made no change in its poverty line.
  3. The criteria of income in defining poverty line were quiet gross.
  4. IRDP incentivity to the differences in infrastructural support, backward and forward linkages, ability of beneficiaries and the compatibility of the scheme for the ecology of the region was ignored.
  5. The corruption, malpractice, bribery and other leakage were prevalent in the implementation of the programme. This was moreso because of the role of middlemen and the lack of awareness among beneficiaries. 
  6. The bank financing of IRDP, which was the heart of the programme, was found to be violative of the IRDP guidelines e.g., according to RBI guidelines all IRDP loans, that is., repayment schedule should be atleast three years but in practice this directive was openly violated. Moreover, inadequate banking service led to delay in disposing of loan applications.
  7. Economists have paid very little attention to federal aspects of poverty elimination programme.
  8. Partisan political consideration (NDA government) also made themselves feel specially when an opposition regime shows efficacy. All political parties in India utilised the benefits of power to strengthen their respective position. Bakshi argued that poverty elimination programmes could only succeed under one party democracy.
  9. IRDP had been biased towards animal husbandry scheme, without giving any due consideration to the availability of good quality animal fodder, marketing facilities.
  10. Administrative weaknesses both in terms of required qualified staff at the Block and District levels and in respect of vertical and horizontal coordination and integration between different departments.
  11. The individual was adopted as unit of assistance rather than family as a whole.
Role of Judiciary:    
Bakshi says by introducing legal land judicial intervention one can avoid the drawback by:
  1. Direct or directing the Gram Sabhas wherever they have proved effective in identifying the needy. They should be given the authority to finalise the benefits.
  2. Legal land judicial intervention can also help in ensuring patterns of accountability and actual flow of benefits to those who suffer because of diversion of relatively better off beneficiaries.
Bakshi opines that Article. 14 challenges to the unchanging poverty line which would surely have resulted in direction given by Supreme Court whereby the poverty line could have been accordingly adjusted. This would have certainly oriented the State to a realistic assessment of the range of beneficiaries .
Judiciary could have directed the executive to consider adequate differentiation among the impoverished class. This is a must because the poor are not one category but many in terms of their initial endowments of strength in terms of education, skill, enterprise in terms of gender, age and health.
Bakshi opines that judicial collaboration in implementation of banking guidelines of RBI would be worthwhile ensuring a more efficient and equal administration of IRDP.
Bakshi feels that the shortcoming of the IRDP and other related anti-poverty programmes could be remedied if a more adequate legal framework of entitlements and accountability to the impoverished beneficiaries are provided.
The impoverished are not just subjects but also citizens. As citizens, the impoverished also have rights to reasoned planning and implementation of such programmes with legal and judicial interventon elements of accountability and visibility which would be transcended.
Law of National Rural Employment Guarantee Act, 2005 and Poverty Eradication in India.    
The Government of India enacted the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act, 2005 to provide for the enhancement of livelihood security of the households in rural areas of the country for providing atleast one hundred days of guaranteed wage employment in every financial year to every household whose adult members volunteer to do unskilled manual work. This Act came into force on 1st April, 2007 in specified districts of the States of Andhra Pradesh, Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Chhatisgarh, Gujarat, Haryana, Himachal Pradesh, Jharkhand, Karnataka, Kerala, Madhya Pradesh, Manipur and Meghalaya and will come into force in the rest of India from 1st April, 2008.
Major Elements of the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act, 2005:  
  • Panchayats are key players.
  • Productive Assets are not negotiable.
  • Local planning is key factor in implementations.
  • Contractors are not allowed.
  • Gram Sabha is to monitor all works and applications.
Significance of the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act, 2005:  
  • People who are poor and are in need cum demand work.
  • The Government is legally bound to provide them work.
  • In case of failure to provide the job on part of Government then it is bound to pay unemployment allowance.
  • The Act is a criterion of productive assets in villages.
The preferred areas of work under the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act, 2005:
  • Water conservation and water harvesting.
  • Drought proofing (afforestation and tree plantation).
  • Irrigation canals.
  • Irrigation facilities to land owned by SCs and STs or beneficiaries of land reforms.
  • Renovation of traditional water bodies.
  • Land development.
  • Flood control and protection works.
  • Rural connectivity to provide all-weather access.
  • Any other work which can be notified by Central Government in consultation with State Governments from time to time.
  • Each State is required to formulate a Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (with six months of enactment).
  • Village and intermediary Panchayats are to manage the implementation activity while co-ordination activities are done at District Panchayat level.
  • Panchayats are mandated to prepare village level plans based on local resources and local needs.
  • Free from political pressure.
Distribution of work under the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act, 2005:
Village Panchayat: Prepares village plan, identity, design and implement 50% works, set up local institutions to facilitate implementation, evaluate and monitor implementation.
Block Panchayat: Co-ordinates block level plans, identity possible works based on village plan, design and implement works and monitoring.
District Panchayat: Prepare district annual plan, prepare five-year prospective plan based on village plans, implement works and district level co-ordination activities.
State Government: Evolve regulations, set up employment guarantee council and facilitate resource flow.
Central Government: Rural development miistry, modal ministry, ensure fund flow, set up employment guarantee council for advisory and indepentent monitoring and evaluation.
Highlights of the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act, 2005:
  • Minimum 100 days of employment to every household poor.
  • Adult members of every household are eligible.
  • Wages shall be paid on weekly basis or within 15 days from date of work.
  • Adult members of households should volunteer to do unskilled manual work.
  • Conditions for guaranteed employment can be fixed by respective State Governments.  

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    C.S. Chakrvarthy
    H. No. 12-13-301, St. No. 9,
    Lane. No. 1, Flat. No. 203,
    Satya Classic, Tarnaka,
    Secunderabad-500 017
    Andhra Pradesh, India.
    Cell. No. 09985732397.
    Land Line. No. 040-27000719.
    E-mail ids: chakku1968@gmail.com
                       cc99995@gmail.com
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